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Copyright (c) 2003 by the University of North Carolina Press. All rights reserved.




Introduction

Among the thousands of gold seekers who flocked to California in the mid-nineteenth century was Moy Dong Kee, my maternal great-great-great-grandfather.[1] A twenty-year-old farmer from Sun Jock Mee village in the Pearl River delta of southern China, he arrived in California in 1854 with big dreams of Gum Saan, or Gold Mountain, as the Chinese called the United States. Like many other immigrants, he came as a sojourner intending to work in America for a short time and then return home to his family and village. Instead, his initial trip to San Francisco stretched into a fifty-two-year stay that took him all across the United States. The opportunities in America were plentiful, and Moy found that he could provide much more for his wife and three children by staying in the United States. Eventually, he earned enough money to move to New York City and he opened Kwong Wah Tai & Co., a small Chinese goods store in the heart of Chinatown. He was also able to make at least three trips to visit his wife and children, who remained in China. This was not unusual. Chinese—and other immigrants—were customarily "transnational," maintaining families and socioeconomic, political, and cultural ties across international borders. Moy's son, my great-great-grandfather Moy Shai Quong, eventually came to America in 1873. Together, father and son opened up two more stores in Philadelphia, and both learned to speak, read, and write a little English. In 1906, Moy Dong Kee returned to China to retire at the age of seventy-two. Moy Shai Quong remained in the United States and eventually brought his own son, my great-grandfather Moy Wah Chung, to join him in 1907. Finally, my grandmother Moy Sau Bik, the fourth generation (and the first woman) of her family to immigrate to the United States, arrived in 1933 with my grandfather Huie Bing Gee and my aunt Mai Ling.[2]

Sixty-four years after Moy Dong Kee first sailed into the port of San Francisco, my paternal grandfather, Lee Chi Yet, came to the United States in 1918. Orphaned at a young age in Poon Lung Cheung village in Toisan, Grandfather quit school early and worked as a farmer in the village and then as a day laborer in the city of Toisan. For him and many others, the belief that the United States was a land of wealth and opportunity remained a strong and compelling reason to migrate abroad. Economic, social, and political instability in the Pearl River delta worsened during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The situation in Grandfather's village became particularly desperate. Coming to the United States was nothing less than a means of survival. As he recounted years afterward, "My eye just looking for a way to get out. I want to live, so I come to the United States."[3]

In the intervening years between Moy Dong Kee's first arrival in the United States in 1854 and Lee Chi Yet's landing in San Francisco in 1918, Chinese immigration to the United States had changed dramatically. Entry into the country in 1854 was relatively uncomplicated, because immigration to the United States was generally free and unrestricted. America welcomed immigrants from around the world to "settle" the land and provide the labor for its newly industrializing economy. Although some states regulated migration across their borders, federal policies—for the most part—promoted and encouraged immigration. Moy Dong Kee thus probably packed his bags, said good-bye to his wife in China, booked passage on a ship in Hong Kong, arrived in San Francisco, and simply disembarked. No gates barred his entry; no gatekeepers demanded immigration documents or subjected him to rigorous interrogations.

By the time Lee Chi Yet arrived in San Francisco, however, new laws had severely limited Chinese immigration into the United States. The Chinese Exclusion Act, passed in 1882, barred all Chinese laborers from entering the country for ten years and prohibited Chinese immigrants from becoming naturalized citizens. It expressly allowed only a few specific classes of Chinese to continue to immigrate to the United States.[4] While laborers were prohibited, merchants, teachers, students, diplomats, and travelers were "exempt" from exclusion. Court cases later initiated by the Chinese in America secured the right of families of merchants and native-born citizens of the United States to apply for admission (or readmission) into the country as well. A product of an anti-Chinese movement that had begun in the West, the Exclusion Act marks the first time in American history that the United States barred a group of immigrants because of its race and class. The act also set the terms for the first large-scale deportation of an immigrant group. Later legislation renewed and strengthened the original act, and the exclusion of Chinese was made a permanent part of U.S. immigration policy until its repeal in 1943.

Thus, when Lee Chi Yet sailed into San Francisco, immigration to the United States was no longer an uncomplicated matter. His ship, the SS Korea, was met by a corps of uniformed U.S. immigration officials. While non-Chinese immigrants were allowed to disembark after only a cursory examination, all new and some returning Chinese immigrants were rounded up and ferried to the eight-year-old immigration station on Angel Island, located in the middle of the San Francisco Bay. Once on the island, Lee and the other Chinese were escorted by guards for thorough medical examinations and interrogations. Chinese immigrants were believed to be contaminated with parasitic diseases and other ailments considered dangerous and contagious. They were also suspected of using false papers and identities to evade the exclusion laws. Grandfather was subjected to a particularly humiliating physical examination as part of government authorities' attempts to prove or disprove that he was indeed the age he claimed to be. He was stripped naked, and physicians meticulously examined his teeth, skin, hair, sexual organs, and bones and noted their findings in his immigration file. While immigrants were undergoing their medical examinations, immigrant inspectors searched their suitcases, trunks, and other possessions and stored them away. Personal letters and other belongings thought to be important to the case at hand were frequently confiscated. The Chinese were then sent to the crowded detention barracks to await further investigation.

Returning immigrants usually did not have to wait too long, especially if their papers were in order. But Lee Chi Yet was a new arrival and his admission into the country depended upon his ability to prove that he was exempt from the exclusion laws. A farmer all of his life, Grandfather did not qualify as one of the exempt classes, so he had purchased papers from another immigrant who agreed to claim him as his son. This "paper son" system was a common strategy that had evolved among the Chinese in response to the restrictive parameters of the exclusion laws. In order to immigrate to the United States, Grandfather gave up his identity as Lee Chi Yet and became Yee Shew Ning, son of merchant Yee Yook Haw. With his new identity came a new family history that he studied and memorized, including the names, ages, whereabouts, and other details of his "mother," two "brothers" and one "sister," his "grandparents," and "aunts" and "uncles." The real test came when both "father" and "son" were called before immigration officials and subjected to the extensive interrogations that had become routine over the course of the government's enforcement of the exclusion laws. Interviewed separately, they were asked detailed questions about their family and village life and their departure for America. "How many rows in your home village?" asked Inspector A. S. Hemstreet on July, 10, 1918. "Who lives in the third house from the head of the village?" "Give the names of husband, wife, and children who all live there." In total, the inspector asked Grandfather 145 questions. Fortunately, his answers agreed with his paper father's for the most part, and Grandfather was released from Angel Island after a stay of two weeks.[5]

The differences between Moy Dong Kee's pre-exclusion arrival in the United States and Lee Chi Yet's experience illustrate the enormous effects that the exclusion laws had on Chinese immigrants and American immigration. By the 1920s, a hierarchy of admissible and excludable immigrants had been codified into law, reinforcing ideas of "fitness" that were measured by an immigrant's race, ethnicity, class, and gender. Immigrants became keenly aware of how these new laws affected their lives. Decisions about who could still enter the country as well as when and how it could be accomplished had to be carefully weighed and planned. Even resident aliens and native-born Chinese American citizens faced potential exclusion if they left the United States and tried to return. The risks were glaringly apparent as immigrants were thrust into direct confrontations with a newly centralized and bureaucratic American state machinery. Borders, gates, and walls that were open to some while closed to others became a reality of immigration to the United States. Edward Steiner, an early scholar of immigration, observed that by 1905, it was "a hard, harsh fact [that the] grinding machinery of the law … sifts, picks, and chooses; admitting the fit and excluding the weak and helpless."[6]

I have long been interested in the Chinese exclusion laws, the anti-Chinese movement that led to their passage, and the debates surrounding Chinese immigration in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. But I did not learn about these things from my own family. One grandmother refused to talk about the "old days"—times that were full of pain and wounds that never healed. When I could coax her into talking about her past, I had to take surreptitious notes under the dining room table. Other relatives also placed a premium on secrecy, preferring—like many Chinese Americans—to keep the years of exclusion buried. I thus turned to the historical record to examine two distinct but interrelated questions: How did the Chinese exclusion laws affect the Chinese in America? And how did they transform the United States into a gatekeeping nation, in which immigration restriction—largely based on race and nationality—came to determine the very makeup of the nation and American national identity? The result is a book that illustrates just how large a shadow the exclusion laws cast upon every aspect of Chinese American life. Chinese immigrant families were forced apart. Immigrants were placed under an immense amount of government scrutiny and were often unfairly excluded from the country. Stereotypes left over from the anti-Chinese movement portrayed Chinese men and women as degraded, dangerous menaces and helped to shape immigration officials' decisions about whom to admit and whom to exclude. Both newly admitted immigrants and even native-born Chinese American citizens were at constant risk of government surveillance and expulsion. This book also emphasizes how the Chinese in America responded to and resisted the exclusion laws and the constraints on their liberties, freedom of movement, and civil rights. Individually and collectively, Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans vehemently protested against the injustice of the racist exclusion laws in court, in public, in the press, and in petitions sent to government officials in both the United States and China. They also responded by simply evading the exclusion laws altogether through illegal immigration or by successfully adapting their migration strategies to conform to the demanding immigration system that the exclusion laws set in motion.

The exclusion laws marginalized and constrained generations of Chinese immigrants and the Chinese community in America.[7] But the consequences of exclusion extended far beyond the confines of their community and ushered in a completely new era in U.S. history. Beginning in 1882, the United States stopped being a nation of immigrants that welcomed foreigners without restrictions, borders, or gates. Instead, it became a new type of nation, a gatekeeping nation. For the first time in its history, the United States began to exert federal control over immigrants at its gates and within its borders, thereby setting standards, by race, class, and gender, for who was to be welcomed into the country. Immigration patterns, immigrant communities, and racial identities and categories were significantly affected. In the process, the very definition of what it meant to be an "American" became even more exclusionary. Subsequent immigration laws—even those directed at restricting southern and eastern European immigrants—allowed for whites to become full-fledged members of the American nation. On the other hand, the Chinese exclusion laws and other government legislation excluding all other Asian immigrants reflected and maintained an exclusionary and racialized national identity that marked Asians, African Americans, Latinos, and Native American as outsiders.[8] Although the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed in 1943, its legacy continued to shape immigration control and race relations throughout the entire twentieth century. The system of immigration restriction and exclusion based on race was formally abolished in 1965. But in the late twentieth century, militarized efforts to enforce U.S. borders, a revitalized anti-immigrant campaign, and new gatekeeping policies based on race echoed earlier policies and practices from the Chinese exclusion era.

As symbols of immigration restriction, the themes of America's gates and gatekeeping organize this study. San Francisco, the main port of entry for Chinese and the home of the largest Chinese American community in the United States during the exclusion era, serves as the main gateway around which the book is centered. The Chinese exclusion laws are important historical markers that open this investigation, but the emphasis in this book is on the encounters between the Chinese in America and the politics, processes, and consequences of immigration restriction and exclusion. I define Chinese exclusion as an institution that produced and reinforced a system of racial hierarchy in immigration law, a process that both immigrants and immigration officials shaped, and a site of unequal power relations and resistance. Immigration law thus emerges as a dynamic site where ideas about race, immigration, citizenship, and nation were recast. Chinese exclusion, in particular, reflected, produced, and reproduced struggles over the makeup and character of the nation itself.

At the heart of this book are the stories of outspoken critics of the exclusion policy, of "illegal" immigrants who posed as paper sons or surreptitiously crossed the northern and southern borders into the United States, of wives and children remaining in China, of immigration officials who struggled with an anti-Chinese public as well as with the bureaucratic demands of the government, and of Chinese American citizens who found their citizenship status threatened because of their race. Through these many voices and perspectives, it becomes clear that the consequences of Chinese exclusion were felt not only on the personal, individual level but on the national and international levels as well.

Until recently, we have known very little about how the policies of Chinese exclusion actually worked in practice or how Chinese immigrants and returning residents responded and adapted. Historian Sucheng Chan has characterized the exclusion era as the "dark ages" of Chinese American history, "a deplorable lacuna in American historiography."[9] To be sure, there is a rich scholarly record on the anti-Chinese movement. Historians have studied the politics behind the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act, and the law has been widely recognized as a significant watershed in immigration and American history.[10] These works, however, focus almost all their attention on the actions and motives of the "excluders" rather than the "excluded" and often end in the year 1882, when this book begins.[11] They have little to say about the impact of exclusion on the Chinese in America, the interactions between Chinese immigrants and U.S. immigration officials, or the broader transformation of the United States into a gatekeeping nation.

Legal historians have begun to fill in some of these gaps by mining little-used sources to document legal doctrine shaping the exclusion laws and their enforcement. Lucy Salyer, in particular, was the first to demonstrate Chinese exclusion's importance to the shaping of modern immigration law.[12] Others have also documented the significant ways in which Chinese successfully used the American judicial system to challenge discriminatory legislation.[13] Legal scholars' primary interest in the legal debates, statutory architecture, judicial rulings, and enforcement procedures, however, have kept the law, rather than the Chinese, at the center of the story.[14] Conversely, social historians have focused their attention on explaining the internal social structures, labor patterns, organizations, institutions, and identities of the Chinese in America.[15] Most recently, scholars have adopted an explicitly transnational framework to highlight the ongoing trans-Pacific migrant networks and allegiances and economic, social, and political ties that existed between the Chinese in America and their families and villages in southern China as well as with other Chinese communities throughout the Americas and Southeast Asia.[16] Abandoning purely nation-centered analyses of migration, these works have expanded our understandings of the complex, global circumstances under which Chinese lived and labored during the exclusion era. Their emphasis on the transnational rather than the national, however, has obscured the impact of the American nation-state and the exclusion laws in particular in structuring and circumscribing transnational migration, networks, and identities.[17] Transnational interpretations of twentieth-century migration cannot merely replace national ones. Nations and nation-states remain central elements shaping and explaining both the processes of migration and the lives of migrants themselves.[18]

The Chinese exclusion era has previously been analyzed within the confines of separate subfields of history—social, immigration, Asian American, legal, Chinese, political, labor, or western. This book illustrates how Chinese immigration and American exclusion can best be understood only at the intersections of these subfields rather than within their boundaries. To make sense of the complex relationships, migration patterns, and political processes transformed by Chinese exclusion, one must consider several interrelated issues. At America's Gates first reconstructs the lives and relationships of exclusion-era Chinese and documents the various strategies they used to adapt to exclusion. But it also examines the centrality of race in immigration restriction and the ways in which the Chinese exclusion laws set in motion drastic political and legal changes in American immigration regulation. Combining the social history of Chinese Americans with a critical analysis of race, immigration law, and the state, this book offers a strikingly different narrative from the usual story of immigration and settlement, one that identifies the implementation of the Chinese exclusion laws as the main catalyst that transformed the United States into a gatekeeping nation.

While historians routinely refer to the Chinese exclusion era as one uniform period spanning from 1882 to 1943, this study emphasizes the importance of change over the course of the exclusion period. Chinese immigration patterns and the terms of the exclusion laws and the ways in which they were enforced evolved in many ways over the sixty-one years of exclusion. Part I of this book encompasses the first two decades of the exclusion era. The actual parameters and application of the laws were unclear, and it was not certain who would enforce the laws or how exclusion would be accomplished. Even the permanence of exclusion was not firmly established. Nevertheless, it was in these years that the United States developed into a gatekeeping nation, one which sought to control the number, race, ethnicity, and class of immigrants admitted into the country and eligible for American citizenship.

Scholars have characterized the anti-Chinese movement as "tangential" to larger patterns of twentieth-century American nativism, or anti-immigrant sentiment. They identify the debates over immigration and race in the 1920s—when a national-origins quota system was established—as the most significant period of American immigration restriction.[19] Chapter 1 suggests, however, that the Chinese exclusion era beginning in the 1870s and 1880s is in fact the critical starting point. Chinese exclusion not only set an important precedent in immigration law, it changed the ways Americans viewed and thought about race, immigration, and the United States' identity as a nation made by immigration. New understandings and definitions of race and racial categories were constructed in these debates and laws—a process that sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant have called "racial formation."[20] And new forms of regulation and identification were created to control Chinese—and, later, all—immigration to the United States.

The American gatekeeping ideologies, policies, and practices that originated in Chinese exclusion were at the center of the reshaping of America, and especially the growth of the federal government at the turn of the twentieth century. This new level of expansion, centralization, and bureaucratization, or "state-building," came in the form of regulating both foreigners arriving into the United States and foreigners and citizens already residing there. Political historians have ignored the role of race in the state-building processes of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but At America's Gates insists that race—and Chinese exclusion in particular—was a central agent of change.[21] In Chinese exclusion, the active role of the "state"—a term that political scientists and other scholars use to describe governmental systems and policies that attempt to structure not only the relationships between people and their government but also relationships and identities among individuals and groups—becomes clear. Chinese exclusion reinforced the important part that the federal government was beginning to play in controlling race relations, immigration and immigrant communities, and citizenship.[22] State mechanisms used to regulate immigration, enforce national borders, and distinguish U.S. citizens, legal immigrants, and illegal immigrants, such as the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, U.S. passports, "green cards," and illegal immigration and deportation policies, can all be traced back to the Chinese exclusion era. Chinese immigration and exclusion are thus particularly important to our understanding of how nations are formed, challenged, and reconstituted from within and without.[23]

If American gatekeeping can be traced back to the 1870s and the debates over Chinese immigration, its origins can also be situated specifically in the American West, where arguments in support of Chinese exclusion arose and had the greatest political impact throughout the early twentieth century. By being the first to call for the closing of America's gates, westerners set in motion changes in national immigration policy. Anti-immigrant politics, immigration regulation, and border enforcement ceased to be the exception and instead became the rule.[24] To examine how the West shaped American gatekeeping, Chapter 2 turns to the local immigrant inspectors and interpreters based in San Francisco, their federal counterparts in Washington, D.C., and their methods of interpreting and enforcing the exclusion laws. These self-proclaimed "keepers of the gate" influenced the development of the U.S. immigration service both locally and nationally, making "gatekeeping" in the West the model for the entire nation. The Chinese exclusion laws might have been passed in Washington, D.C., but they were implemented at various ports of entry around the country, where the laws' meanings and consequences were constantly in flux. A narrow focus on legal statutes or judicial decisions obscures our understanding of how government officials, immigrants, and citizens interpreted, enforced, and challenged the law.[25] Instead, studying "law at its bottom fringes"—and the ways in which Chinese exclusion was actually enforced and contested at the local and federal levels—challenges traditional scholarship on immigration law that focuses primarily on changing patterns of nativism or the legislative battles behind the passage of American immigration policy.[26]

Parts II and III explore the years from 1910 to 1924, a period marked by growing nativism, a rise in Chinese illegal immigration, and increased government regulation. By 1910, the enforcement of the exclusion laws had become centralized, systematic, and bureaucratic. All decisions regarding Chinese immigration moved out of the federal courts (which immigration officials believed gave too much advantage to the immigrants) and into the hands of the immigration service exclusively.[27] The political and legal challenges to exclusion brought by the Chinese were largely ineffectual, as illustrated by the establishment, in 1910, of the immigration station on Angel Island. Perceived by Chinese to be a symbol of America's racist immigration policies, Angel Island marked a new chapter in the government's enhanced control and containment of Chinese immigration. Illegal immigration began in this period but flourished in the next. The question of immigration restriction reached center stage, as the United States grappled with additional "floods" of allegedly inferior and unassimilable immigrants from other parts of Asia, Mexico, and southern and eastern Europe. The 1924 Immigration Act, which perfected Asian exclusion and placed restrictions on immigration from southern and eastern Europe, marked what historians have characterized as the "triumph of nativism."[28]

Part II probes the dynamic interaction between Chinese immigrants and immigration officials in San Francisco and on Angel Island, exploring how Chinese immigrants understood, experienced, and challenged their exclusion from the United States as well as why and how so many continued to immigrate. Despite its intent, the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act failed to end Chinese immigration altogether. From 1882 to 1943, an estimated 300,955 Chinese successfully gained admission into the United States for the first time or as returning residents and native-born citizens. In fact, the number of exclusion-era Chinese admissions is greater than that during the pre-exclusion era, from 1849 to 1882, when 258,210 Chinese entered the United States.[29] The fact that so many managed to enter the United States in spite of the exclusion laws is truly significant. It raises questions about the efficacy of restrictive immigration laws and demonstrates the power of immigrant resistance and agency. In reconstructing the world that these individuals and groups inhabited and shaped, this section takes as a central starting point two primary goals of Asian American history to focus on both the excluded and the excluders and on the acts of resistance as well as the acts of exclusion.[30] Chapter 3 explains how the enforcement of the exclusion laws by American immigration officials not only resulted in additional exclusion acts that further hindered Chinese immigration but also helped to define and reinforce understandings of Chinese as "Orientals" and foreign "others" who endangered the American nation.[31] The Chinese adapted to the increasing number of barriers they encountered by drawing upon a wide range of legal, political, and migration strategies. Increasingly, they also articulated and insisted upon claiming their own place in America.

Many of the effects of the exclusion laws were felt outside of the United States, and the transnational nature of Chinese immigration was a major factor shaping the entire exclusion era. As Chapter 4 demonstrates, Chinese migrants did maintain significant socioeconomic, cultural, and political ties with their families and homeland despite the legal barriers that placed limitations on Chinese immigration. Scholars have pointed out that Chinese "lived their lives across international borders."[32] However, it is also clear that the exclusion laws and the growing power and efficacy of American immigration regulation strained these transnational linkages. Recent studies have overemphasized the centrality of transnationalism for the Chinese in America during this period and have largely ignored the structural forces that limited or stunted frequent movement back and forth. They have also failed to consider how class and legal status might have affected the extent to which Chinese lived transnationally.[33] During an era of increased regulation of international migration by nation-states, the maintenance of transnational migration patterns, ties, and networks was certainly possible, but only under certain prescribed limitations.

Part III traces the growth of illegal immigration during the exclusion era and shows its consequences for both the Chinese community and U.S. immigration policy and border enforcement. Chinese continued to challenge their exclusion from the United States, but they often did so covertly, as illegal immigrants. Illegal immigration has proved to be one of the most significant consequences of the Chinese exclusion era. But while contemporary illegal immigration to the United States has been the focus of much attention, illegal immigration during the exclusion era has been largely ignored.[34] Chinese became, in effect, the country's first "illegal immigrants," entering the country through the back doors of Canada or Mexico or engaging in a highly organized interracial, transnational business of fraudulent immigration documents. Although Chinese were just one of the immigrant groups entering the country illegally during this time period, they nevertheless became the primary public symbol of the "illegal immigrant." As a result, U.S. immigration officials focused a disproportionate amount of time and resources on preventing Chinese entries and arresting Chinese suspected of being in the country unlawfully. These policies laid the foundation for later government campaigns to control other illegal immigrants. Moreover, U.S. immigration policies and prerogatives "migrated" across U.S. borders and had significant repercussions both outside of the United States and beyond the issue of Chinese exclusion.

From 1924 to the repeal of the exclusion laws in 1943, Chinese immigrants and the U.S. government became locked into an interdependent cycle. The more Chinese adapted to the changing contours of exclusion enforcement, the harder the government made it to enter the country. Increasingly, the futility and folly of the Chinese exclusion laws became apparent. Chinese lived with the consequences of exclusion long after they had passed through America's gates, and immigration officials increasingly argued that the exclusion laws were "probably the most difficult piece of legislation to enforce ever placed upon the statute books."[35] The futile system of exclusion would remain unchanged, however, until 1943, when the laws were repealed once and for all.

Part IV addresses the consequences and legacies of exclusion during this last period and beyond. Chapter 7 illustrates how American gatekeeping moved from the gates and borders into interior cities and towns, thereby affecting the entire Chinese American community. The epilogue examines how Chinese exclusion cast a shadow upon the entire United States during the twentieth century, in the form of gatekeeping policies that admitted, deported, and monitored immigrants based on their race.

This is the first study to use local, national, and transnational frameworks as well as the vantage points of both Chinese immigrants and U.S. immigration officials to examine the Chinese exclusion era. It is also the first to systematically analyze an incredibly rich and diverse body of government records on Chinese immigration and exclusion that was made publicly available only in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The immigration arrival files of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service document every single Chinese immigrant who applied for admission or re-admission into the country or was deported from the United States during the exclusion era. The records reveal who immigrated, under which classes and categories, with which family members, and with what results. They include entry and reentry documents and visas; supporting business, school, and organizational records; notarized affidavits; translated letters and writings; correspondence from attorneys, acquaintances, and enemies; photographs; family histories; and extensive interviews with applicants and their family members and other witnesses. They capture the lives of ordinary people, their problems and acts of resistance, under the extraordinary circumstances of exclusion in ways that no other set of historical records have. There are an estimated 100,000 individual files of Chinese immigrants who entered the country through San Francisco alone, the busiest port of entry for Chinese. The immigration service at other ports of entry, such as New York, Seattle, Boston, and Philadelphia, created and maintained additional sets of files. Their sheer volume, breadth, and depth, make these records the richest primary sources on Chinese immigration and the Chinese in America.

When I began research for my doctoral dissertation in the fall of 1993, most of these records had yet to be processed by the staff at the San Bruno, California, branch of the National Archives. Aside from Chinese American genealogists, local students researching their roots, and a few others, few people had used the records, and no scholar had yet worked with them as a whole. During my first trip, I experienced one of those fantastic "Eureka!" moments that excite historians. In each dusty box I examined, forgotten lives, journeys, secrets, hardships, and triumphs unfolded before my eyes. Faces looked out at me from yellowed INS forms—men and women, young and old, rich and poor, legal and illegal. Among them were the faces of my grandparents, whose files I found after some detective work. My grandfather's photograph showed a confident young man with slicked back hair wearing a traditional Chinese tunic. My grandmother's file included their wedding portrait, which immigration officials had confiscated in 1927 to include in the government's official record. Realizing that my grandparents represented only two of the thousands of lives and stories to be unearthed in these documents overwhelmed me. So did a newfound sense of responsibility to share all of their stories.

The immigration records allow us to understand the Chinese exclusion era in a way that has not been possible before. They provide a unique lens through which to see not only the everyday lives of Chinese immigrants and the roles of immigration officials in enforcing immigration law but also the enormous impact that the Chinese exclusion laws had on immigration, race, and the nation as a whole. In an attempt to create some type of system that would allow me to analyze immigrant arrival files from the entire exclusion period, I surveyed and collected data from more than 600 immigrant files from 1884 to 1940, selected by random sample. Following the extensive paper trails that each file contained, I reviewed several dozen other files as well. Much of the statistical information that appears in the book was eventually compiled from other sources, such as the annual reports of the U.S. Bureau of Immigration (precursor to the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service). But my survey of the San Francisco files allowed me to track larger changes in immigrant composition, transnational migration patterns and networks, enforcement practices, immigration service personnel, immigrant strategies (such as the use of lawyers), and the complex relationship between immigration officials and Chinese, as well as the changing terrain of exclusion over its sixty-one years of existence. Most important, the files brought to life the actual experiences of Chinese under exclusion and demonstrated the unique ties that bound Chinese to each other and to the nation-state.

Rich as they are, these records—like all sources—are problematic in some ways. First, the documents were created in the language of immigration law and within the context of government regulation. They also privilege the perspective and prerogative of immigration officials. The level of detail, the questions asked, the manner of questioning, and the presentation of testimony were all determined by the government officials recording and processing the information. References in officials' diaries and personal correspondence hint at an immense anti-Chinese bias that informed the nature and scope of their work. Because the reliability of the government's translation of Chinese voices and sources into English changed over the years, the accuracy of the translations should also be considered, especially during the first decade of the exclusion era, when the government banned the hiring of interpreters of the Chinese race. But by the 1900s, the quality and consistency of translations in the San Francisco office improved, due in large part to civil service reforms in the immigration service. Lastly, the reliability of the testimony itself must also be questioned in many cases. Because the proliferation of illegal immigration and the false names and identities that the exclusion laws produced, much of the personal information recorded in the files can be considered unreliable.

Through the course of my research, I learned how to work around these flaws. I used the government perspective to tease out enforcement practices, attitudes, and biases among immigration officials. I read behind and between the lines for the Chinese voice and used sources originating from the immigrants themselves as much as possible. The white lies told in the course of establishing a false identity for the purposes of immigration did not necessarily affect the integrity of the larger narrative because I was interested in capturing general patterns and strategies rather than recreating true family genealogies. It was also fairly easy to determine which immigrants were using false names and fraudulent papers. Some immigrants had been rejected out of hand; others made an admission of guilt themselves as part of the so-called anti-Communist Confession Program of the 1960s, when government officials encouraged and coerced illegal Chinese immigrants to come forward to legalize their status and denounce Communism. These statements were also included in the files. To protect the privacy of individuals, all names of persons who were found to have entered the country illegally or who arrived in the United States after 1926 have been changed.

In addition to the immigrant arrival files in San Francisco, I also mined the voluminous personal and official correspondence and papers of local and federal immigration officials to understand the motivations and rationales behind their decision making. Because Chinese were such active and vocal critics of the exclusion policy, their petitions, protests, and letters are also part of this voluminous public record. Lastly, I interviewed Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans who immigrated to and lived in America during the exclusion era, and I relied heavily upon studies and oral histories done by other scholars.

Taken together, these chapters document and bring alive thousands of voices that had been virtually erased from the historical record. They explain the significance of Chinese exclusion for both Chinese Americans and American history. Throughout the researching and writing of this book, I have taken as my guide a poem written by an anonymous male detainee in the immigrant barracks on Angel Island who pleaded with readers to remember and recover this history. Carving deeply into the wooden walls, the author who identified himself only as "One from Xiangshan" wrote:

There are tens of thousands of poems composed on these walls.
They are all cries of complaint and sadness.
The day I am rid of this prison and attain success,
I must remember that this chapter once existed.[36]